Please be sure to: 1) Select one of the below prompts to respond to. 2) Make a post answering the prompt in about 150-200 words or so (about a paragraph). 3) Title your post starting with ‘A’, ‘B’, or

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Please be sure to:

1) Select one of the below prompts to respond to.

2) Make a post answering the prompt in about 150-200 words or so (about a paragraph).

3) Title your post starting with ‘A’, ‘B’, or ‘C’ to indicate which prompt you are responding to.

4) Respond to another person’s post for someone who had the same prompt as you.

Here are the Prompts for this week:

A) Take Risman’s matrix of social structures of gender (p. 41), choose one cell of that matrix, and give an example from your life that exemplifies it.

B) What similarities and/or differences do Queer Theory (Risman chapter) and Borderlands Theory (Hurtado and Sinha chapter) have?

C) Compare how Risman talks about identity to how Hurtado and Sinha talk about identity.

Please be sure to: 1) Select one of the below prompts to respond to. 2) Make a post answering the prompt in about 150-200 words or so (about a paragraph). 3) Title your post starting with ‘A’, ‘B’, or
CHAPTER 2 Chicana Intersectional Understandings: Theorizing Social Identities and the Construction of Privilege and Oppression We open our discussion of Intersectionalit y and its importance for under- standing Latino feminist masculinities by quoting one of our respondents from the Latino Masculinities Study. Issaac was a biracial (Nicaraguan and Chinese) twent y- five- year- old who had completed his master’s de – gree in education from Columbia Universit y and was working as an ele – mentary school teacher in New York Cit y. When asked whether he con – sidered himself a feminist, Issaac responded as follows: I think feminism and more particularly women of Color feminism, Black feminist thought, and now emerging Chicana feminist thought has made the most sense for me than any other perspective because I know we haven’t talked about this too much but I’m biracial in the sense that both of my parents are from Nicaragua and my grandfather is from China. And so my mom grew up in a Chinese communit y in Nicaragua. To be biracial in terms of Asian Latino for me . . . I was always looking for a space to really make sense of my life from. And so more often than not I would come back to feminist thought; like kind of an intersectionalit y of where my different threads meet and make up, you know, like Gloria Anzaldúa, in nepantla, 1 you know, like the Venn diagram, the border – land. And so for me . . . not only my sexualit y but my sense of race and identit y, [I] find myself in the borderlands and the advantages and dis- advantages of being in the borderlands or coming from the borderlands or living within the borderlands. So in that sense yeah, feminism really kind of shapes a lot of my worldview and how I relate with others and think about things and the reflections that I make on whatever kind of life experiences I’ve had. Hurtado, Aída, and Mrinal Sinha. Beyond Machismo : Intersectional Latino Masculinities, University of Texas Press, 2016. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/ucsc/detail.action?docID=4397289. Created from ucsc on 2020-06-21 23:59:44. Copyright © 2016. University of Texas Press. All rights reserved. 30 Beyond Machismo Issaac encapsulates the core of Intersectionalit y and informally com- bines it with Anzaldúa’s Borderlands Theory. He also illustrates the use – fulness of Intersectionalit y in understanding human existence in the interstices of different social categories—biracialit y, immigrant family, working class, and first to finish college in his family. He needed a frame- work to fully understand his “in- between” social existence. His daily life is a struggle to inform those around him about his group memberships: “Growing up in a Chicano, Mexican, immigrant communit y, I was seen as chino [Chinese], you know, and it’s like we’d play basketball and they’d say all these things about me, you know, chino and like da da da da. I’m like, I’m understanding everything you say ’cause I don’t speak Chinese, I’m a Spanish speaker who happens to be Chinese.” We can understand Issaac and he can articulate his beliefs because of the apertures of theory and discourse provided by Intersectionalit y. His deep understanding of the contingency of social categorization is not an accident; to the con – trary, it is the work of Chicana feminists and other feminists of Color who have pushed us to think beyond binaries and do justice to “third space” existence. The consideration of gender and race and how these categories inter – sect is critical to understanding social conditions. In this chapter, we review the theor y of Intersectionalit y and elaborate it with the social- psychological framework of Social Identit y Theory to frame our analyses of the condition of young Latino men and their constructions of mascu – linities. We readily acknowledge that patriarchy grants degrees of privi- lege to various masculinities, including those that are racialized. Feminist frameworks, especially those proposed by Chicana scholars, view privilege and subordination as fluid social and psychological processes that allow us to examine racialized, ethnicized masculinities as another site for libera- tion and transformation. We begin with a brief historical overview of the origins of Intersection – alit y and its development in response to the lack of analysis in white femi- nist theorizing in the 19f0s about the diversit y of women in the United States and worldwide. We continue by integrating Intersectionalit y with Social Identit y Theory, SIT, (Tajfel 19f1) to propose the concept of Inter – sectional Identities as embodied in the Social Identities constituted by the master statuses of sexualit y, gender, class, race, ethnicit y, and physical ableness. We continue by using Borderlands Theory (BT), as written by Gloria Anzaldúa (19f7) and expanded upon by Chicana feminist writers, to understand the social- psychological functioning of individuals with Intersectional Identities as they cross social, psychological, and economic Hurtado, Aída, and Mrinal Sinha. Beyond Machismo : Intersectional Latino Masculinities, University of Texas Press, 2016. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/ucsc/detail.action?docID=4397289. Created from ucsc on 2020-06-21 23:59:44. Copyright © 2016. University of Texas Press. All rights reserved. Chicana Intersectional Understandings 31 borders to develop a multilayered understanding of social realit y. By ap- plying Intersectionalit y to Latino masculinities, one can examine inter – sections of disadvantage, say, being gay and of Color, or intersections of both disadvantage and privilege, say, being male and Latino. Intersection – alit y also permits the study of privilege when Social Identities that confer unearned benefits are problematized. Historical Overview of Intersectionality The understanding that women around the world are subjected to mul- tiple sources of oppression was first documented by activists addressing the practical issues and needs of poor and racialized women (P. Collins 2000; A. Y. Davis, personal communication, Februar y 3, 2007). Obvi – ously, the feminisms developed by such influential figures as Bett y Friedan and Gloria Steinem in the 1960s could not be applied without modifica- tion to women in Africa, for example, who suffered from starvation as well as rape and other gender- specific oppressions resulting from political up – heavals, historical circumstances, and economic and cultural oppression (White 200f). This was also true among African American women in the United States, whose disadvantages had as much to do with their race as with their gender (P. Collins 2000). Writing in the 19f0s and 1990s, Kimberlé Crenshaw identified the in – adequacy in the legal system of examining gender oppression in isola – tion (that is, without consideration of other sources of subordination). Crenshaw’s pioneering work on Intersectionalit y (19f9, 1995) eloquently exposed the insufficiencies of the legal system for handling the multiple sources of discrimination experienced by African American women. Cren – shaw systematically demonstrated that, for example, in the case of employ – ment discrimination, African American women were forced to bring suit either as women or as Blacks. The courts would not accept their claims solely on the basis of identifying as Black women because that would cre – ate another protected category, with the potential of endless cumulative oppressions. As stated by the courts and as quoted in Crenshaw (19f9, 1b2), “The legislative histor y surrounding Title V I I does not indicate that the goal of the statute was to create a new classification of ‘black women’ who would have greater standing than, for example, a black male. The prospect of the creation of new classes of protected minorities, gov – erned only by the mathematical principles of permutation and combina- tion, clearly raises the prospect of opening the hackneyed Pandora’s box.” Hurtado, Aída, and Mrinal Sinha. Beyond Machismo : Intersectional Latino Masculinities, University of Texas Press, 2016. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/ucsc/detail.action?docID=4397289. Created from ucsc on 2020-06-21 23:59:44. Copyright © 2016. University of Texas Press. All rights reserved. 32 Beyond Machismo Crenshaw also applied her incisive analysis of Intersectionalit y to rape, where she found that the law’s archaic assumptions of (white) women’s purit y had historically led to tougher punishment of Black men than white men in the case of interracial rape and to fewer prosecutions in the case of rape of Black women by any man. She continued by applying Inter – sectionalit y to domestic violence and found that the excessive punish – ment handed down by the criminal justice system to Black men led Black women to fear and refrain from reporting physical abuse by men in their communities.When Crenshaw (1995) explored the notion of political Intersection – alit y, she found that Black women felt forced to choose between joining political movements to end racism and joining feminist movements to end sexism. These women found it difficult to be allied with both move – ments simultaneously. In the early writings on Intersectionalit y, Cren – shaw’s work did not explicitly examine other social categories that oppress women, such as class and sexualit y, but her work in the areas of race and gender established the conceptual framework for considering multiple sources of oppression within feminist analysis. While Crenshaw’s initial analysis focused on the hidden legal injuries of Intersectional subordination, following the decade of Crenshaw’s ini- tial writings, Patricia Hill Collins (2000) focused on the nonlegal, societal structures that colluded to create the same phenomenon. As originally de – fined by Collins (2000, 299), “intersectionalit y is an analysis claiming that systems of race, social class, gender, sexualit y, ethnicit y, nation, and age form mutually constructing features of social organization, which shape Black women’s experiences and, in turn, are shaped by Black women.” Central to Collins’s analysis is the premise that societal structures are formed and sustained to exert power over people of Color in general and African Americans in particular. As she (2000, f2) views the matter, The very notion of the intersections of race, class, and gender as an area worthy of study emerged from the recognition of practitioners of each distinctive theoretical tradition that inequalit y could not be explained, let alone challenged, via a race- only, or gender- only framework. No one had all the answers and no one was going to get all the answers without atten – tion to two things. First, the notion of interlocking oppressions refers to the macro- level connections linking systems of oppression such as race, class, and gender. This is a model describing the structures that create social positions. Second, the notion of intersectionalit y describes micro- level processes—namely, how each individual group occupies a social Hurtado, Aída, and Mrinal Sinha. Beyond Machismo : Intersectional Latino Masculinities, University of Texas Press, 2016. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/ucsc/detail.action?docID=4397289. Created from ucsc on 2020-06-21 23:59:44. Copyright © 2016. University of Texas Press. All rights reserved. Chicana Intersectional Understandings 33 position within interlocking structures of oppression described by the metaphor of intersectionalit y. Together they shape oppression. Central to Collins’s analysis is the notion that the media generate “con – trolling images” that lead to the objectification and commodification of Black bodies (200b, 51), thereby justifying many kinds of oppression, since these images contribute to Blacks not being perceived as fully human. These controlling images, which Collins considers much more powerful and complex than simple stereot ypes, have their origins in the institution of slavery. Historically, to justify the buying and selling of human beings, images were developed to enforce institutional control and oppression. According to Collins (200b, 55), “the objectification of people of Afri – can descent as chattel, the commodification of objectified Black bodies as propert y, and the exploitation of Black people as propert y and as workers are all closely linked.” Controlling images are gender- specific and often complement each other. For example, the controlling image of the “bitch” is used to defeminize and demonize Black women, whereas the controlling images of the Black male as criminal and athlete help justify the incar – ceration of Black men and the devaluation of their intellectual capacities (versus their athletic prowess). Controlling images, according to Collins’ analysis, do not apply solely to Blacks but to all people of Color through a racialization process: the darker the individual (regardless of race), the more these controlling images are applied by various societal institutions. Controlling images are particularly relevant to Intersectionalit y as they serve to disempower groups of women in different ways depending on the context. Intersectionalit y has been applied to the understanding of categori – cal differences between women in different nation- states. For example, Rosa- Linda Fregoso problematizes the human rights paradigm applied by “First World Feminists” to women worldwide (2003, 23): “Claiming a sin – gular transnational identit y for women ignores the profound differences among women across the globe, but especially within specific localities. . . . Although First World Feminists have contributed significantly to ‘the theoretical and practical revision of international rights law,’ especially in their redefinition of women’s rights as human rights, the challenge today involves framing women’s international human rights within very com- plex and specific cultural contexts.” By applying Intersectionalit y to her analysis, Fregoso avoids homogenizing all Mexican women; thus, she can probe why young, working- class, dark- skinned Mexican women rather than wealthy light- skinned Mexican women were the victims of “femini- Hurtado, Aída, and Mrinal Sinha. Beyond Machismo : Intersectional Latino Masculinities, University of Texas Press, 2016. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/ucsc/detail.action?docID=4397289. Created from ucsc on 2020-06-21 23:59:44. Copyright © 2016. University of Texas Press. All rights reserved. 34 Beyond Machismo cide” in the border cit y of Ciudad Juárez (across from El Paso, Texas). The murders began in 1993 and continue to the present. For Fregoso, Inter- sectionalit y provides a theoretical bridge for identifying variations based on class and race among different Mexican women, which can give rise to a more penetrating analysis, including why the murders continue and re – main unsolved, than the one provided by human rights discourse alone. Intersectionalit y has historically been applied to intersections of sub – ordination. Recently, however, it is being used to study contradictor y intersections, for example, when one social category (say, male gender) confers privilege and the other (say, nonwhiteness) is the basis for sub – ordination. In this vein, Intersectionalit y is beginning to be used to ana- lyze the position of men of Color in general and to study the experiences of Latino men in particular (Hurtado and Sinha 200f). One of the most in-depth applications of Intersectionalit y to gender and race is the path- breaking work of Aaronette White (200f), who uses Intersectionalit y to analyze the lives of twent y African American men who identify as femi- nist. We also expand the use of Intersectionalit y to analyze the experiences of privilege and oppression of Latino men by connecting Intersectionalit y to these men’s significant Social Identities. Intersectionality and Social Identity Theory Hurtado (1996, 1997, 2003b) links the theories of Social Identit y as first proposed by Henri Tajfel (19f1) to Intersectionalit y and Borderlands Theor y. To understand these linkages, it is necessar y to elucidate sev – eral theoretical distinctions that aid in understanding the processes that individuals undergo in constructing their Social Identities. The foremost distinction, as held by most social psychologists, is between personal and Social Identit y, which together form a person’s integrated sense of self (Baumeister 199f). Tajfel (19f1) posits that personal identit y is that aspect of self composed of psychological traits and dispositions that give rise to personal uniqueness. In contrast, Social Identit y is defined as “that part of an individual’s self- concept which derives from his knowledge of his membership of a social group (or groups) together with the value and emotional significance attached to that membership” (Tajfel 1972, 292). Social psychologists argue that although personal identit y and Social Identit y are not entirely independent of each other, neither are they one and the same (Tajfel 19f1). Tajfel’s proposed theoretical distinction is very helpful in avoiding dis- Hurtado, Aída, and Mrinal Sinha. Beyond Machismo : Intersectional Latino Masculinities, University of Texas Press, 2016. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/ucsc/detail.action?docID=4397289. Created from ucsc on 2020-06-21 23:59:44. Copyright © 2016. University of Texas Press. All rights reserved. Chicana Intersectional Understandings 35 positionalism, that is, the tendency in the field of psycholog y to over – attribute all behavior to individual characteristics (mostly encased in the concept of personalit y or in such personalit y traits as self- esteem) and to underestimate the influence on behavior of social context and structural variables (Haney and Zimbardo 2009). Personal identit y is derived from intrapsychic influences, many of which are socialized within family units (however those are defined) (Hurtado 1997, 309). From this perspective, human beings have a great deal in common precisely because their per – sonal identities comprise universal processes such as loving, mating, and doing productive work. However, these universal components of self are filtered through language, culture, historical moment, social structures, and social context (Reicher 200b). For example, children in all societies are considered to belong to their biological parents, not to neighbors, aunts, uncles, or other relatives. There are, though, infinite variations in the constellations considered appropriate for raising children—from an entire village, to a nuclear family, to foster care. Tajfel (19f1) considers personal identities as less socially salient than Social Identities and therefore more fluid than Social Identities because they are less socially monitored. A person is permitted, without a percep – tion of incoherence, to be happy and effervescent one day and gloomy and depressed another. Furthermore, those emotional variations require social interaction for the evaluation to take place. In contrast, an individual’s gender, race, ethnicit y, and socioeconomic class are relevant in most social contexts with little if any social interaction. As such, the presentation of self is regulated through these group belongings in most social contexts such that coherence is a necessary prerequisite for social functioning. For example, an individual categorized as a man cannot dress as a woman one day and as a man the next without social (and sometimes violent) conse – quences. According to Tajfel (19f1, 325–326), personal identit y is for the most part a private sense of “me- ness” that is not necessarily negotiated or challenged in every social interaction. For instance, people generally consider themselves kind and open- minded; until someone or some inci- dent challenges this self- assessment, there is no reason to doubt this judg- ment. In the ordinary course of social events, the unchallenged personal self- assessment does not motivate the person to reevaluate the personal self. Tajfel’s theor y of self addresses intergroup relations, not intrapsychic influences that may lead to changes in personal identit y. As stated earlier, Social Identity is that aspect of self derived from the knowledge of being part of social categories and groups, together with the value and emotional significance attached to those group formations. Taj- Hurtado, Aída, and Mrinal Sinha. Beyond Machismo : Intersectional Latino Masculinities, University of Texas Press, 2016. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/ucsc/detail.action?docID=4397289. Created from ucsc on 2020-06-21 23:59:44. Copyright © 2016. University of Texas Press. All rights reserved. 36 Beyond Machismo fel argues that the creation of Social Identities is the consequence of three social- psychological processes. The first is social categorization. Nation – alit y, language, race and ethnicit y, skin color, and other social or physical characteristics that are meaningful socially, and many times politically meaningful in particular social contexts, can be the basis for social cate – gorization and thus the foundation for the creation of Social Identities. For example, Alice Warren Colón (2003, 66f) writes about the differences in the assignment to the race categor y “Black” of Puerto Ricans in the United States versus those in Puerto Rico: The dichotomous racialization that is imposed by dominant (white) sectors in the United States on African Americans, as well as on colo – nized populations and “unassimilated” migrants contrasts with the hier – archy of racial mixture in Puerto Rico. On the Island, race ranges along a continuum from white to Black, running through a variet y of cate – gories related to the presence of particular phenot ypical traits, such as mulatto, trigueño (lighter skinned or as a euphemism for Black), or grifo (tight, curly hair). . . . It is also more evidently a social definition, based on behavior as well as on physical characteristics, so that moving from a lower to a higher social status could allow for a person’s whitening. As a result of these differences in race assignment, from a continuum in Puerto Rico to a dichotomous assignment in the United States, Puerto Ricans migrating to the US mainland from the island have to readjust their self- perceptions around issues of race— from a phenot ypic description (e.g., morenito, “a bit dark”) to the racial category “Black.” Tajfel (19f1) would call the change in “race” assignment joining a stigmatized social category tied historically to the institution of slavery and thus also tied to negative political and social connotations. Another process underlying the construction of Social Identities is social comparison. In this process, the meaning of an individual’s group affiliations, a group’s status, its degree of affluence, or other characteris- tics achieve significance in relation to perceived differences and their value connotations from other social formations in the environment. For ex – ample, in a qualitative study of educated Chicanas, Hurtado (2003b) found that respondents considered themselves “middle class” when they lived in predominantly working- class communities. Upon entering institutions of higher education attended largely by middle- and upper- class white stu- dents, the participants shifted their comparison from neighborhood to Hurtado, Aída, and Mrinal Sinha. Beyond Machismo : Intersectional Latino Masculinities, University of Texas Press, 2016. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/ucsc/detail.action?docID=4397289. Created from ucsc on 2020-06-21 23:59:44. Copyright © 2016. University of Texas Press. All rights reserved. Chicana Intersectional Understandings 37 college peers and reassessed their class identification, most often from middle class to poor or working class.The third process for developing a Social Identit y involves psychologi- cal work, both cognitive and emotional, which is prompted by what Taj- fel (19f1) claims is a universal motive: the achievement of a positive sense of self. When different values are attached to different group affiliations, individuals have to do psychological work to come to terms with their Social Identities. As Tajfel posits, individuals strive to be different from other groups, but the difference has to be positive. The social groups and Social Identities that pre sent the greatest obstacles to a positive sense of self are those that are disparaged (including “invisible” identities, such as sexual orientation), those that have to be negotiated frequently be – cause of their visibilit y (physical attributes, such as dark skin color), those that have become politicized by social movements, and so on. Moreover, these Social Identities become especially powerful psychologically; they are easily accessible and dwelt on, likely to be salient across situations, and likely to function as schemas, frameworks, or social scripts (Gurin, Hur – tado, and Peng 199b; Hurtado and Gurin 200b). For example, a poor, gay, Latino adolescent with a physical disabilit y is more likely to reflect seri- ously on his Social Identities than is a middle- class, white, heterosexual adolescent with no physical impediments. Unproblematic group memberships—that is, ones that are socially valued, accorded privilege, or indistinguishable to others—may not even become Social Identities. For instance, until the emergence of whiteness studies, being racially white and male was not considered a problematic category and is still not widely thought of as a Social Identit y (Fine et al. 200b; Hurtado and Stewart 200b; Phinney 1996). Although there may be different groups of whites (e.g., varying by class—poor whites versus middle-class whites), the privileges accrued because of the racial benefits of whiteness are not easily articulated by its possessors, regardless of class, because white race privilege is considered the norm in the United States (McIntosh 19f9). Intersectionality and Master Statuses In addition to linking Social Identit y Theory (Tajfel 19f1) to Intersection – alit y, Hurtado (2003b, 2010) contends that from a social- psychological point of view, Intersectionalit y refers to the particular constellation of Hurtado, Aída, and Mrinal Sinha. Beyond Machismo : Intersectional Latino Masculinities, University of Texas Press, 2016. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/ucsc/detail.action?docID=4397289. Created from ucsc on 2020-06-21 23:59:44. Copyright © 2016. University of Texas Press. All rights reserved. 38 Beyond Machismo Social Identities that is the primary basis for power distribution and stig- matization and subordination, that is, class, race, sexualit y, gender, eth- nicit y, and physical ableness. These same social categories are based on what sociologists call master statuses (Hughes 19b5) and are the basis for significant Social Identities because individuals must psychologically negotiate their potentially stigmatizing effects. Conversely, if these mas- ter statuses confer privilege, and that privilege becomes problematized, then individuals holding such privilege must negotiate the psychologi – cal effects of devalued group memberships. In the United States, as in many other countries, master statuses are used to make value judgments about group memberships and to allocate political, social, and economic power (Reicher 200b). Furthermore, all measures of inequalit y, such as education, income, and accumulated wealth, are affected by these master statuses. Tajfel’s (19f1) theory of Social Identit y, which has been elabo – rated upon by others (Gurin, Hurtado, and Peng 199b; Hogg and Reid 2006; Hurtado 1997; Reicher and Hopkins 2001), provides a framework for understanding both unproblematic and stigmatized group affiliations, especially those based on master statuses. Given the powerful effects of master statuses for Social Identit y for – mation (Reicher 200b), it becomes important to distinguish Social Iden – tities based on master statuses from other social categories. Individuals can construct multiple group identities that are not based on master sta- tuses, and multiple identities do not necessarily refer to master statuses. According to Tajfel, nonstigmatized social memberships are part of an indi- vidual’s multiple identities. For example, a person may identify with a po – litical part y (Democrat or Republican), a geographical area (California or Texas), and a profession (architect or teacher). These multiple group memberships are significant to people and have social consequences, but, from a Tajfelian perspective, they do not constitute an individual’s Social Identit y—primarily because they have no consistent stigmatizing effects. They are not used systematically to assign political, social, and economic power; membership can be changed; and membership does not intersect in significant ways to produce any of the delineated consequences ascribed to Social Identities (Turner and Onorato 1999). A second concept currently in vogue is the use of diversit y to describe the process of inclusion based on multiple group identities. There is a dif – ference between master statuses and diversit y, as exemplified in the use of the latter to adjudicate “fair representation” in various social spheres based on a multitude of axes of difference ranging from geography, to age, to interests, and so on (Russo and Vaz 2001). The definition of di- Hurtado, Aída, and Mrinal Sinha. Beyond Machismo : Intersectional Latino Masculinities, University of Texas Press, 2016. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/ucsc/detail.action?docID=4397289. Created from ucsc on 2020-06-21 23:59:44. Copyright © 2016. University of Texas Press. All rights reserved. Chicana Intersectional Understandings 39 versit y is left up to those in charge of fulfilling it.2 In turn, master sta- tuses, as embodied in stigmatized Social Identities, are used to justify the distribution of power, historical exclusion, and cultural, ethnic, political, and economic colonization. For this reason, we do not use the terms di- versity or multiple identities as proxies for Intersectionalit y. Instead, we propose the concept of Intersectional Identities to refer to Social Identities embodied in master statuses that constitute Intersectionalit y; when these statuses intersect, they result in specific political, social, and economic consequences. The Social Self and Intersectional Identity Constellations Social Identities are tied to significant group memberships, which together form a constellation that constitutes a whole and integrated sense of the Social Self (Turner and Onorato 1999). Even if an individual belongs to several significant social categories or master statuses (say, being a woman, Chicana, and poor), these group belongings do not operate psychologi- cally and socially as separate categories but as an integrated sense of the Social Self (Turner and Onorato 1999). Thus, individuals’ Social Iden – tit y constellations compose their overall Social Identit y because human beings experience themselves as whole, not as independent social cate – gories. Thus, when individuals are asked, “What is most important to you, being a woman or being Chicana?” most have difficult y creating a hier – archy because they experience these Social Identities as integrated social categories. If pressed, individuals can indeed rank their social categories, but this ranking is cognitively created, not one that is naturally occurring in the social world. Although individuals may not necessarily rank their Social Identities, the salience of different affiliations varies according to social context (see fig. 2.1); that is, which stigmatized Social Identities gain significance is largely context- dependent. As Reicher and Hopkins (2001, 3f5–3f6) in – dicate, “The particular social identit y that is salient in a given context will determine who is seen and treated as similar and who is rejected as an alien.” Indeed, Turner and Onorato (1999) argue that the meaning of par – ticular social categories can be fully understood only in context because the meaning will change if the circumstances vary. When stigmatized So – cial Identities intersect in particular contexts, they become intersectional identities (see gray areas in fig. 2.1). The graphic in figure 2.1 can therefore be conceptualized as a fluid, Hurtado, Aída, and Mrinal Sinha. Beyond Machismo : Intersectional Latino Masculinities, University of Texas Press, 2016. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/ucsc/detail.action?docID=4397289. Created from ucsc on 2020-06-21 23:59:44. Copyright © 2016. University of Texas Press. All rights reserved. 40 Beyond Machismo amorphous amoeba that changes shape as it moves through its surround- ings, making one (or more) Social Identities especially salient depending on the context. Each social category is porous, overlapping others, with boundaries that are not rigid or fixed. We propose that from a social- psychological point of view, Intersectionalit y refers to this particular con- stellation of Social Identities, which are the primary basis for stigmati- zation and for allocation of privilege. Because personal identit y is not entirely independent of Social Identities, individuals cannot completely override the negative and oppressive effects of their stigmatized Social Identities on their personal identit y. For example, a poor African Ameri- can lesbian with a physical disabilit y will be treated in many social con – texts according to her visible stigmatized Social Identities rather than her personal identity, which quite possibly may include being a kind, gentle, Figure 2.1. The creation of the social self through IntersectionalityHurtado, Aída, and Mrinal Sinha. Beyond Machismo : Intersectional Latino Masculinities, University of Texas Press, 2016. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/ucsc/detail.action?docID=4397289. Created from ucsc on 2020-06-21 23:59:44. Copyright © 2016. University of Texas Press. All rights reserved. Chicana Intersectional Understandings 41 and intelligent human being. Intersectionalit y as embodied in stigmatized Social Identities allows for an agile analysis of the different social contexts in which certain stigmatized Social Identities are more salient and likely to be used to impose oppression (Hurtado and Cervantez 2009). This framework also facilitates the examination of the social process of exter- nal Intersectional Social Identit y assignations by others versus the private self- perceptions of an individual’s personal identit y. Intersectional Identities, Social and Political Spaces, and Temporality Stigmatized Social Identities intersect and form alternating constellations in various social spaces. Consequently, the significance and relationship between these Social Identities (such as class, race, ethnicit y, and sexu – alit y) vary from social sphere to social sphere and across time. In some circumstances, one particular group membership or set of memberships may be more salient than others; when functioning within a group that is homogeneous with regard to its significant Social Identities, that par – ticular Social Identit y (or Identities) may be much less relevant than it would be in a situation where many groups interact with each other. For example, a high school student may not think about being Chicano when interacting with family members but may be acutely aware of this identit y when called on to answer a question in a classroom where he is the only person of Mexican descent (see fig. 2.2). In addition, a person may define a particular group membership differently at one time than at another. For example, a young person growing up in a predominantly Chicano/a neigh – borhood may take his or her ethnicit y for granted. Attending a universit y and taking courses on Chicano/a history and culture may provide the im- petus for this person to reassess his or her ethnicit y and its importance in constructing his or her Social Identities (Hurtado and Gurin 200b). As mentioned earlier, Intersectionalit y can also illuminate contra – dictory intersections of subordination and privilege, for example, being male and Latino. Because master statuses can confer privilege, personal identit y also benefits from the freedom of stigma if an individual’s mas- ter statuses protect her or him from subordination. Intersectionalit y can also be applied to the study of the benefits and consequences of privilege when master statuses are aligned to benefit individuals. The application of Intersectionalit y to the problematics of privilege, however, has yet to be fully developed. In sum, the concept of Intersectional Social Identities Hurtado, Aída, and Mrinal Sinha. Beyond Machismo : Intersectional Latino Masculinities, University of Texas Press, 2016. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/ucsc/detail.action?docID=4397289. Created from ucsc on 2020-06-21 23:59:44. Copyright © 2016. University of Texas Press. All rights reserved. 42 Beyond Machismo allows the examination of this complexit y in various social spheres, in dif- ferent life cycles, and across historical moments. Intersectional Social Identities, Identification, and Consciousness While Tajfel’s Social Identit y Theory provides a sophisticated framework for understanding individual responses to desirable and undesirable group affiliations, Patricia Gurin and her colleagues (19f0) provide a different theoretical bridge between group affiliations and awareness of the values attached to the groups’ status by making a distinction between identifica- tion and consciousness. According to their perspective, most people are Figure 2.2. The Intersectional Identity Constellation based on the master statuses of gender, class, and ethnicity Hurtado, Aída, and Mrinal Sinha. Beyond Machismo : Intersectional Latino Masculinities, University of Texas Press, 2016. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/ucsc/detail.action?docID=4397289. Created from ucsc on 2020-06-21 23:59:44. Copyright © 2016. University of Texas Press. All rights reserved. Chicana Intersectional Understandings 43 aware of their Social Identities when they are tied to master statuses. For example, individuals can almost universally articulate if they are female or male, Chicano or white, poor, middle class, or wealthy, or physically chal- lenged or not. But Gurin and colleagues believe that individuals are less likely to be aware of how the entire group of individuals in that category rank in relation to other social formations in the same life space (Lewin 19bf);3 that is, individuals may be highly identified with particular social formations and be aware of whether that affiliation is desirable or not, but they may not be at all conscious of the status of their entire stratum. According to Gurin and colleagues (19f0, 30), “Identification and con- sciousness both denote cognitions: the former about a person’s relation to others within a stratum, the latter about a stratum’s position within a societ y. Identification refers to the awareness of having ideas, feelings, and interests similar to others who share the same stratum characteristics. Consciousness refers to a set of political beliefs and action orientations arising out of this awareness of similarit y.” Through identification, then, individuals see themselves belonging to certain social formations, for example, ethnic, gender, and class groups. Through consciousness, they become aware that the social formations they belong to hold a certain status (either powerful or not powerful) in societ y, and they can decide (or possibly feel compelled) to take action to change this status, not just for their own benefit but for that of others in the group as well. Thus, having a characteristic that could potentially be – come a Social Identit y, such as being a woman, does not necessarily mean that the individual develops such a Social Identit y; some consciousness of what that particular categor y signifies socially and politically is nec – essary for identit y constructions to become conscious and result in politi- cal mobilization. We contend that Gloria Anzaldúa’s Borderlands Theory helps explain a particular t ype of consciousness, as defined by Gurin and colleagues, in which border crossings or multiple social subjectivities (Hurtado 2005) contribute to political understandings of various social formations’ status and thus influence individuals’ Intersectional Social Identities. Intersectionality and Borderlands Theory Since the late 19f0s, Chicana feminist scholars have been at the forefront of Intersectionalit y by proposing feminisms that take into account cul- ture, class, sexualit y, race, ethnicit y, and, most recently, masculine gender Hurtado, Aída, and Mrinal Sinha. Beyond Machismo : Intersectional Latino Masculinities, University of Texas Press, 2016. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/ucsc/detail.action?docID=4397289. Created from ucsc on 2020-06-21 23:59:44. Copyright © 2016. University of Texas Press. All rights reserved. 44 Beyond Machismo (Flores 2000; Hurtado and Sinha 200f; Vásquez 2003). A pivotal theo- retical addition to Chicana feminisms has been the work of Gloria Anzal- dúa—writer, public intellectual, and one of the first Chicanas to publicly claim her lesbianism (Moraga and Anzaldúa 19f1). Anzaldúa wrote exten – sively on Borderlands Theory, as scholars in the humanities call it, before her untimely passing at the age of sixt y- one. Borderlands Theory expands on W. E. B. Du Bois’s (1903) idea of double consciousness, applying it to the experiences of Chicanas growing up in South Texas on the bor – der between the United States and Mexico (Martinez 2005). According to Anzaldúa (19f7), the border between these two countries is a meta – phor for all t ypes of crossings—between geopolitical boundaries, sexual transgressions, and social dislocations, and the crossings necessary to exist in multiple linguistic and cultural contexts. She locates the geographical border between the United States and Mexico as the source of her theoriz – ing, as Hurtado (2003b, 1f) summarizes: “The history of conquest, which basically layered another country over a preexisting nation, gave Chicana feminisms the knowledge of the temporalit y of nation- states. . . . The political line dividing the United States from Mexico did not correspond to the experiential existence on the border. Chicana feminists declare the border as the geographical location (lugar) that created the aperture for theorizing about subordination from an ethnically specific Chicana/mes- tiza consciousness.” According to Anzaldúa (19f7), living in the borderlands creates a third space between cultures and social systems that leads to coherence by em- bracing ambiguit y and holding contradictor y perceptions without con – flict. La frontera (the border) is also the geographical area most suscep – tible to hybridit y, being neither fully of Mexico nor fully of the United States. As Anzaldúa claims, la frontera is where you “put chile in the borscht/eat whole- wheat tortillas/speak Tex- Mex with a Brooklyn accent” (19f7, 195). The word borderlands denotes that space in which antithetical elements mix, not to obliterate each other nor to be subsumed by a larger whole, but to combine in unique and unexpected ways (Hurtado 2003b). Living between two countries, two social systems, two languages, two cultures results in understanding experientially the contingent nature of social arrangements (Martinez 2005). Anzaldúa (19f7) asserts that living in the borderlands produces special knowledge from being within a sys- tem while also retaining the knowledge of an outsider who comes from outside the system. This “outsider within” status produces a layered com- plexit y within Chicanas’ sense of self that is captured in Anzaldúa’s con – cept of mestiza consciousness, as summarized by Hurtado (2003b, 1f): Hurtado, Aída, and Mrinal Sinha. Beyond Machismo : Intersectional Latino Masculinities, University of Texas Press, 2016. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/ucsc/detail.action?docID=4397289. Created from ucsc on 2020-06-21 23:59:44. Copyright © 2016. University of Texas Press. All rights reserved. Chicana Intersectional Understandings 45 It was at the border that Chicanas/mestizas learned the socially con- structed nature of all categories. By standing on the US side of the river they saw Mexico and they saw home; by standing on the Mexican side of the border they saw the United States and they saw home. Yet they were not really accepted on either side. Their abilit y to “see” the arbi- trary nature of all categories but still take a stand challenges Chicana feminisms to exclude while including, to reject while accepting, and to struggle while negotiating. . . . The basic concept involves the abilit y to hold multiple social perspectives while simultaneously maintaining a center that revolves around concrete material forms of oppression. Although Anzaldúa developed Borderlands Theory by examining her experiences as the daughter of farmworkers living in extreme povert y in South Texas, the theory also applies to all t ypes of social, economic, sexual, and political dislocations. Her insights help us understand and theorize about the experiences of individuals who are exposed to contra- dictory social systems and develop what she terms la facultad (the abilit y or gift)—the notion that individuals (primarily women) who are exposed to multiple social worlds, as defined by cultures, languages, social classes, sexualities, nation- states, and colonization, develop the agilit y to navi – gate and challenge linear conceptions of social realit y. Other writers have called this abilit y “differential consciousness” (Sandoval 2000), perception of “multiple realities” (Alarcón 1990), “multiple subjectivities” (Hurtado 2003a), and a state of “concientización” (Castillo 199b). 4 Anzaldúa presages Intersectionalit y Theory by attributing Chicanas’ subordination not only to patriarchy, but also to the intersection of mul- tiple systems of oppression. Within Borderlands Theory, oppressions are not ranked nor are they conceptualized as static; rather, they are recog- nized as fluid systems that take on different forms and nuances depending on the context. Borderlands Theory allows for the expression of multiple oppressions and forms of resistance that are not easily accessible through traditional methods of analysis and measurement. This theoretical ap – proach has produced rich and unique analyses in various academic fields, including the social sciences (Hurtado 2003a), literature (Saldívar- Hull 2000), history (Pérez 1999), education (Delgado Bernal 199f), and politi- cal theory (Barvosa 200f, 2011; Barvosa- Carter 2007). Another application of Borderlands Theory is found in the analysis of Intersectionalit y through the concept of Social Identities. The fluidit y and context- dependent nature of Social Identities result in “social travel” between social systems, cultural symbols, and cognitive understandings, Hurtado, Aída, and Mrinal Sinha. Beyond Machismo : Intersectional Latino Masculinities, University of Texas Press, 2016. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/ucsc/detail.action?docID=4397289. Created from ucsc on 2020-06-21 23:59:44. Copyright © 2016. University of Texas Press. All rights reserved. 46 Beyond Machismo ultimately creating a nonnormative consciousness of the arbitrary nature of social realit y. Following the logic inherent in Borderlands Theory, stig- matized Social Identities based on master statuses are not additive: they do not result in increased oppression with an increased number of stig- matized group memberships. Instead, individuals’ group memberships are conceptualized as intersecting in a variet y of ways, depending on the so- cial context (Hurtado and Gurin 200b). Borderlands Theory is particularly important for social action and coalition building. There are no absolute “sides” in conflict; instead, there are contingent adversaries whose perceptions can be understood by exam- ining (and empathizing with) their subjectivities. Furthermore, no one is exempt from contributing to oppression in limited contexts (Pérez 1999). Self- reflexivit y and seeing through the “eyes of others” become more im- portant to gaining a deeper consciousness than staying within one’s social milieu. As explained by Anzaldúa (19f7, 7f–79), It is not enough to stand on the opposite river bank, shouting questions, challenging patriarchal, white conventions. A counterstance locks one into a duel of oppressor and oppressed; locked in mortal combat, like the cop and the criminal, both are reduced to a common denominator of violence. The counterstance refutes the dominant culture’s views and beliefs, and, for this, it is proudly defiant . . . but it is not a way of life. At some point, on our way to a new consciousness, we will have to leave the opposite bank, the split between the two mortal combatants somehow healed so that we are on both shores at once and, at once, see through serpent and eagle eyes. . . . The possibilities are numerous once we decide to act and not react. The development of a mestiza (hybrid) consciousness that simultaneously embraces and rejects contradictor y realities to avoid excluding what it critically assesses is the result of individuals living in many liminal spaces (Lugones 2003). A mestiza consciousness permits individuals to perceive multiple realities at once (Barvosa- Carter 2007). Anzaldúa’s work inte – grates indigenous Aztec beliefs and epistemologies that circumvent linear, positivist thinking, which does not allow for hybridit y, contradiction, and, ultimately, liberation from existing social arrangements (Hurtado 2003b; Martinez 2005). As Martinez (2005, 559–560) states, The “borderlands” signify Anzaldúa’s family history of oppression, her memory of brutal backbreaking work, and her knowledge of border his-Hurtado, Aída, and Mrinal Sinha. Beyond Machismo : Intersectional Latino Masculinities, University of Texas Press, 2016. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/ucsc/detail.action?docID=4397289. Created from ucsc on 2020-06-21 23:59:44. Copyright © 2016. University of Texas Press. All rights reserved. Chicana Intersectional Understandings 47 tory. The “borderlands” are the site of her worst struggles with racism, sexism, classism and heterosexism: “[La] mestiza undergoes a struggle of flesh, a struggle of borders, an inner war. . . . The coming together of two self- consistent but habitually incompatible frames of reference causes un choque, a cultural collision” (Anzaldúa 19f7, 2f). Yet, this crossroads is also the site of her greatest strength. This “floundering in uncharted seas,” this “swamping of her psychological borders” (79) creates the other ways of coping and seeing the world. It forces the mestiza consciousness into existence in a psychic birthing and synthesis to become a reflection of the “borderlands” themselves—a juncture, a crossroads, and a con – sciousness of multiple voices and paradigms. Through Borderlands Theory, Anzaldúa (19f7, 2002) provides the ex – periential documentation for Tajfel’s (19f1) Social Identit y Theory. Taj- fel does not address extensively what it means for individuals, let alone women, to carr y the burden of stigma when they have no control over how others categorize them into social groups. Furthermore, he does not explore how individuals cope with the incongruence between their pri- vate self- perceptions (say, as competent, intelligent, logical) and others’ negative perceptions shaped by stigmatized Social Identities. Anzaldúa’s theory proposes that one possibilit y among many is to use the contradic – tion to one’s advantage, rising above the negative assignation to develop a complex view of the Social Self, or what Gurin and colleagues (19f0) call a consciousness about one’s Intersectional Identities. One potential t ype of consciousness, according to Borderlands Theory, is a mestiza conscious- ness. In many ways, Anzaldúa’s work exemplifies the poetics of political resistance and rescues Chicanas (and other Latinas) from potential stigma derived from their derogated Social Identities (Bost 2005; Tajfel 19f1). The Role of History and Colonization in Creating Intersectional Identities As Reicher (200b) indicates, it is important to historicize the origins of particular social categorizations to fully understand their meanings. The master statuses in the creation of Intersectional Social Identities primarily apply to groups that have been colonized (Pérez 1999; Comas- Díaz 2000). For Chicanas/os the colonization of the Southwest territories that be – longed to Mexico at the end of the Mexican- American War in 1fbf be- came a pivotal moment in Mexican nationals losing their Mexican citizen -Hurtado, Aída, and Mrinal Sinha. Beyond Machismo : Intersectional Latino Masculinities, University of Texas Press, 2016. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/ucsc/detail.action?docID=4397289. Created from ucsc on 2020-06-21 23:59:44. Copyright © 2016. University of Texas Press. All rights reserved. 48 Beyond Machismo ship and becoming culturally and linguistically conquered on their own land (Flores- Ortiz 200b). For Puerto Ricans, the relationship between Puerto Rico as a protectorate of the United States with no official rep – resentation in the US government has also influenced the group’s Social Identit y formations. Puerto Rican migration in large numbers from the island mainly to New York Cit y has disrupted Puerto Rican cultural pat – terns and social norms developed in their native country. In particular, Puerto Rican men migrating from the island to the mainland find it diffi- cult to perform their manhood in the United States. The challenging ad- justment to their newfound situation in the United States frequently leads to family discord and even domestic upheaval (Weis et al. 2002). Other groups of Latinas/os (e.g., Salvadorians, Guatemalans, and Colombians) who have emigrated from their home countries because of economic pressures or political persecution have a different set of influ- ences that affect their definition of what constitutes their Social Identi- ties. Many Latinos are forced to leave families behind and readjust their beliefs about gender relations as they struggle economically in the United States (Zavella 2011). Their varied national histories, however, do not deter them from having certain common concerns and shared experi – ences based on master statuses that influence the development of their Intersectional Identities. Comas- Díaz argues that given the structural discrimination that many people of Color suffer in the United States (and in the world), we cannot ignore the “group trauma” produced by such treatment. The experience of racism and discrimination, according to Comas- Díaz (2000, 1320), leads to the Stockholm syndrome: People of color are often exposed to imperialism and intellectual domi- nation at the expense of their cultural values. . . . Furthermore, they are subjected to the cultural Stockholm syndrome, a condition in which members of an oppressed group accept the dominant cultural values, including the stereot ypes of their own group. . . . The cultural Stock – holm syndrome involves being taken hostage by other people’s cultures and perceptions of themselves, while coming to internalize and believe them. Hence, politically repressing people of color can lead to terrorism, maintaining the privileges of the dominant group, and silencing cries for racial social justice. Comas- Díaz argues that, “similar to other survivors of torture, people of color need to learn to reject the feelings of inferiorit y instilled in them” Hurtado, Aída, and Mrinal Sinha. Beyond Machismo : Intersectional Latino Masculinities, University of Texas Press, 2016. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/ucsc/detail.action?docID=4397289. Created from ucsc on 2020-06-21 23:59:44. Copyright © 2016. University of Texas Press. All rights reserved. Chicana Intersectional Understandings 49 by the historical experience of colonization and its concomitant “political repression” (2000, 1322). As part of this work, oppressed people need to reject the negative attributions imputed to their identities and communi- ties and instead “develop solidarit y with other oppressed groups, thus re- storing their sense of continuit y with their collective identit y, both local and global” (1322). To do coalitional work, “ethnic minorities need to con – front and overcome ingrained feelings of division and suspicion instilled by their ancestral history of threatened survival” (1322). Comas- Díaz (2000, 1320), as well as other scholars (e.g., Flores- Ortiz 200b; Vásquez 2006), argues for an ethnopolitical approach in design – ing social interventions to restore Chicanas/os’ and Latinas/os’ identit y after they have suffered the effects of “oppression, racism, terrorism, and political repression.” According to Comas- Díaz, “Acknowledging racial, ethnic, and political realities as they interact with socioeconomic, histori- cal, psychological, and environmental factors, this approach expands the individual focus to a collective one, one that is national as well as inter – national. An ethnopolitical model can serve as the basis for psychologists to aid people who have suffered racism, discrimination, and repression” (1320). The ethnopolitical approach “names the terror [of oppression], de – veloping a language that gives voice to the silenced traumatized self ” (Comas- Díaz 2000, 1320). This broader conceptualization of identit y dovetails almost seamlessly with the perspective of Intersectionalit y de – veloped in this book. This view takes into account the history as well as the sociopolitical context in which Chicanas/os and Latinas/os exist in the United States (and all of Latin America), leading to a diverse set of thera- peutic and social interventions, and, in fact, redirecting therapy from the individual to the social and collective (Comas- Díaz 2000; Flores- Ortiz 200b; Vásquez 2002). To alleviate the pervasive identit y conflicts cre – ated by colonization in the forms of “identit y conflicts,” “shame,” “rage,” pressure to “assimilate” and abandon one’s native culture and language, “identit y ambivalence,” and “alienation” (Comas- Díaz 2000, 1320), Chi- cana and Latina feminist writers advocate using a variet y of social inter – ventions. As Comas- Díaz (2000, 1322) summarizes, “Ethnic and indige – nous psychologies provide a culturally relevant lens validating both the importance of racial and ethnic meanings and the historical and political contexts of oppression. Because working with victims of political repres- sion forces individuals to confront questions of meaning, the spiritual be – liefs of people of color are rescued and affirmed as examples of indigenous psychological approaches. . . . Psychologists can help trauma sufferers find Hurtado, Aída, and Mrinal Sinha. Beyond Machismo : Intersectional Latino Masculinities, University of Texas Press, 2016. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/ucsc/detail.action?docID=4397289. Created from ucsc on 2020-06-21 23:59:44. Copyright © 2016. University of Texas Press. All rights reserved. 50 Beyond Machismo something of value in the traumatic experience through a renewed aware- ness of their strengths.” Comas- Díaz, Lykes, and Alarcón (199f) propose that for some indi- viduals, indigenous approaches to psychic healing help them remember and “retell their cultural memories,” which aids in “identit y construction” (as cited in Comas- Díaz 2000, 1322). For individuals who lack exposure to their indigenous origins, interventions may include the act of discovery and recuperation of culture, language, and history. Indigenous approaches may also be better suited to poor and working- class individuals whose life experiences may have been especially brutal because of povert y. Intersectionality and the Chicana Feminist Analysis of Masculinities In The Color of Privilege, Hurtado (1996) proposes that white women de – rive a degree of structural and emotional privilege from their familial rela – tionships to white patriarchy in the United States. As daughters, mothers, sisters, spouses, cousins, and aunts of white men, white women inherit a relational power that informs their perspectives on gender relations and thus their feminisms. Conversely, women of Color cannot biologically provide the pure white offspring necessary for white patriarchy to repro – duce itself. This distance and barred biological access to white patriarchy result in an aperture to a different feminist platform that is at times at odds with white feminisms. For example, the recent increases in the incarcera- tion of men of Color, especially of boys and young men, has created a new concern among feminists of Color. For many, it is not an uncommon ex – perience to have a brother, father, uncle, cousin, or other male relative in the criminal justice system. Consequently, many feminists of Color find themselves relating to the oppression of incarcerated men from their com – munities. Differences in incarceration rates for men of Color and white men, as well as the former’s underachievement in the academy, has made these men’s inclusion in a feminist movement a central issue, one that has not been embraced by white feminists of any age. However, feminists of Color do not adhere to the notion of the “plight of the Black male [or male of Color]” (White 200f); they have, instead, opened the analysis to concentrate on patriarchy as the central problematic in the current incar – ceration trends. According to White (200f, 19), the study of masculini- ties of Color adds “complexit y to more traditional approaches to social Hurtado, Aída, and Mrinal Sinha. Beyond Machismo : Intersectional Latino Masculinities, University of Texas Press, 2016. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/ucsc/detail.action?docID=4397289. Created from ucsc on 2020-06-21 23:59:44. Copyright © 2016. University of Texas Press. All rights reserved. Chicana Intersectional Understandings 51 phenomena that focus only on race, class, or gender, by broadening our understanding of how mechanisms of institutional power mesh with per- sonal expressions of power.” The movement to include young Latino men in the Chicana feminist project has its earliest origins in the feminist theorizing of the 19f0s, when a subgroup of feminist writers raised the critique that the diversit y of women’s experiences, both within the United States and internationally, was not being fully addressed within the boundaries of traditional femi- nism (Russo and Vaz 2001). Their arguments centered on cultural varia- tions in definitions of gender relations and differences within cultures as determined by class, ethnicities, power, and other socially relevant factors (Zambrana 2011). If the ultimate goal of feminist theorizing and political mobilization is to deconstruct and abolish patriarchy, then the multiple manifestations of patriarchy as they vary but persist across cultures should be addressed in all feminist production (Hurtado 2003a). In other words, multiple masculinities (Coltrane 199b; Connell 19f7, 1995; Pyke 1996) and femininities (Pyke and Johnson 2003) are filtered through different cultural manifestations of patriarchies (Baca Zinn and Dill 1996). Chicana feminist theory (as well as other feminisms) was developed in response to this compelling critique and has become a vibrant and prolific field within the larger field of feminist theorizing. When the diversit y of women’s lived experiences is included in the defi – nitions of feminisms, it becomes apparent that there is not just one defi- nition of womanhood but, rather, many variations determined by culture and language, sexualit y, and social class within cultures (Baca Zinn and Dill 199b). Thus, Chicana feminists’ views of culture and language are multidimensional and layered and adhere to a paradigm that privileges lived experience as the basis for embodying culture and language. When examining Chicana culture from this perspective, special attention must be directed to region and national origin, class background, gender, and sexualit y—similarly to the axes of difference embodied in Intersection – alit y (Zambrana 2011). It is understood that in all cultures social context is determinative in accurately assessing behavior. Furthermore, language also has variations, notably in speech st yle and degrees of mastery. Not all Chicanas speak Spanish, Spanish- English bilingualism being a matter of degree as well as of familiarit y with different speech st yles (Hurtado and Vega 200b). Chicana feminisms do not adhere to a linear accultura- tion model in which individuals move from being Spanish- dominant and culturally Chicano/a to becoming English- dominant and Americanized. Hurtado, Aída, and Mrinal Sinha. Beyond Machismo : Intersectional Latino Masculinities, University of Texas Press, 2016. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/ucsc/detail.action?docID=4397289. Created from ucsc on 2020-06-21 23:59:44. Copyright © 2016. University of Texas Press. All rights reserved. 52 Beyond Machismo Instead, there are many potential cultural adaptations influenced by con- text and exposure to the culture and language of origin (Gurin, Hurtado, and Peng 199b). Chicana feminisms, as a field of study, do not uncritically accept Chi- cano/Mexican culture in its theorizing and offer powerful critiques of the sexist elements found in their communities’ cultural practices (Anzaldúa 19f7; Hurtado 2003a, 2003b). Simultaneously, there is an emphasis on selectively honoring aspects of Chicano/Latina cultures—such as caring for family members, sharing resources with extended family, and having parents who support educational success, particularly for their daugh – ters—that have strengthened these communities to withstand oppression (N. Cantú 200f; Hurtado, Hurtado, and Hurtado 2007). Examining culture within a structure of patriarchy results in a more complicated analysis of masculinities and its relationship to feminisms than is ordinarily found in white feminist writings. Instead of perceiving Chicano/Latino men solely as males and thus as beneficiaries of patri – archy, the Chicana feminist project in their analyses of oppression also considers Chicano/Latino men’s v ulnerabilities. For example, Hurtado and Sinha (2006a) find that Latino families privilege sons by requiring fewer household chores and by giving them greater freedom and fewer rules than are required of their daughters. These young men, however, are also more likely to be harassed by police, to be less close to their par – ents, and to have fewer close friends than their sisters—all of which leads to less academic success. The multiple feminisms recognized by Chicana/Latina feminists imply that there must also be multiple masculinities. To be sure, not all woman – hoods are equally valued (Hurtado 1999), which is also the case with non – hegemonic masculinities (Hurtado and Sinha 200f). Of course, the sys- tems of patriarchal privilege reward all masculinities at some level (just as all womanhoods/femininities are ultimately a source of restriction, even if it is through seduction [Hurtado 1996; Rubin, Nemeroff, and Russo 200b]). Nonetheless, Chicana feminisms embrace the deconstruction of masculinities and the examination of gender relations within Chicana/ Latino communities as an integral part of the Chicana feminist project (Hurtado 2003a; Hurtado and Sinha 200f). Men are obviously gendered subjects, not only for the purpose of conferring patriarchal privileges, but also for negotiating all power re – lations, including subordination. A Chicana feminist analysis of mascu – linities facilitates the application of Intersectionalit y to men in general and to Latino men in particular. This is a ver y important development Hurtado, Aída, and Mrinal Sinha. Beyond Machismo : Intersectional Latino Masculinities, University of Texas Press, 2016. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/ucsc/detail.action?docID=4397289. Created from ucsc on 2020-06-21 23:59:44. Copyright © 2016. University of Texas Press. All rights reserved. Chicana Intersectional Understandings 53 because Intersectionalit y examines the unified categories of “man” and “patriarchy,” systematically unpacking the privileges and vulnerabilities ascribed to the categories and systems of privilege. Intersectionalit y en- ables the exploration of the crossroads created by master statuses, cracking open the internal variations of “man” based on significant Social Iden – tities. No longer is it possible to use the social signifier “man” to de – note all male social formations; rather, “poor man” signifies a different kind of patriarchy than does “rich man,” and, even more layered, “poor Black man” begins to unpack the variations in patriarchal privilege and subordination. In the chapters that follow we use Intersectionalit y, Social Identit y Theory, and Borderlands Theory as influenced by Chicana feminist writ – ings to delineate and understand Latino feminist masculinities. Hurtado, Aída, and Mrinal Sinha. Beyond Machismo : Intersectional Latino Masculinities, University of Texas Press, 2016. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/ucsc/detail.action?docID=4397289. Created from ucsc on 2020-06-21 23:59:44. Copyright © 2016. University of Texas Press. All rights reserved.

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